NDLI: Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects

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Inflectional paradigms have a base: evidence from s-Dissimilation in Southern German dialects

Content Provider	Springer Nature Link
Author	Hall, T. A. Scott, John H. G.
Copyright Year	2007
Abstract	In many varieties of Southern German the contrast between /s/ and / $$\int$$ / is neutralized to $$[\int]$$ before /p t/ anywhere within a word (e.g. $$Post \,[{\rm po}\int t]$$ ‘mail’), but neutralization does not occur before inflectional suffixes (e.e. küss-t [kyst] ‘kiss (3 SG)’). It will be argued that the underapplication of neutralization before inflectional suffixes is an example of a Paradigm Uniformity effect: Neutralization is blocked from applying to the final /s/ of a stem so that it will retain a constant shape in a paradigm. Underapplication in examples like [kyst] follows from a requirement that the stem in a derived word be identical to the unaffixed base. By contrast, the German data will be shown to be problematic for the Optimal Paradigms model (McCarthy 2005), since this approach does not allow for a base in inflectional paradigms.
Starting Page	151
Ending Page	178
Page Count	28
File Format	PDF
ISSN	18715621
Journal	Morphology
Volume Number	17
Issue Number	1
e-ISSN	18715656
Language	English
Publisher	Springer Netherlands
Publisher Date	2007-09-15
Publisher Place	Dordrecht
Access Restriction	One Nation One Subscription (ONOS)
Subject Keyword	Paradigm uniformity Base identity Optimality Theory German Swabian Realize Morpheme Homophony Sign Language Phonology Comparative Linguistics Linguistics (general)
Content Type	Text
Resource Type	Article
Subject	Linguistics and Language

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