NDLI: Scalar implicatures of embedded disjunction

Content Provider	Springer Nature Link
Author	Crnič, Luka Chemla, Emmanuel Fox, Danny
Copyright Year	2015
Abstract	Sentences with disjunction in the scope of a universal quantifier, Every A is P or Q, tend to give rise to distributive inferences that each of the disjuncts holds of at least one individual in the domain of the quantifier, Some A is P & Some A is Q. These inferences are standardly derived as an entailment of the meaning of the sentence together with the scalar implicature that it is not the case that either disjunct holds of every individual in the domain of the quantifier, $${\neg}$$ Every A is P & $${\neg}$$ Every A is Q (plain negated inferences). As we show, this derivation faces a challenge in that distributive inferences may obtain in the absence of plain negated inferences. We address this challenge by showing that on particular assumptions about alternatives, a derivation of distributive inferences as scalar implicatures can be maintained without in fact necessitating plain negated inferences. These assumptions accord naturally with the grammatical approach to scalar implicatures. We also present experimental data that suggest that plain negated inferences are not only unnecessary for deriving distributive inferences, but might in fact be unavailable.
Starting Page	271
Ending Page	305
Page Count	35
File Format	PDF
ISSN	0925854X
Journal	Natural Language Semantics
Volume Number	23
Issue Number	4
e-ISSN	1572865X
Language	English
Publisher	Springer Netherlands
Publisher Date	2015-06-26
Publisher Place	Dordrecht
Access Restriction	One Nation One Subscription (ONOS)
Subject Keyword	Scalar implicatures Disjunction Embedded exhaustification Semantics Syntax Philosophy of Language
Content Type	Text
Resource Type	Article
Subject	Philosophy Linguistics and Language

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