NDLI: German possessor datives: raised and affected

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Stefan Müller, Complex Predicates: Verbal Complexes, Resultative Constructions, and Particle Verbs in German. Studies in Constraint-Based Lexicalism 13, Stanford: CSLI Publications, 2002, 468 pp.

Ishtla Singh, The History of English: A Student’s Guide. London: Hodder Arnold, 2005

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 9, Issue 1, March 2006

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 8

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 7

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 6

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 5

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 4

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 3

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 2

The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics : Volume 1

German possessor datives: raised and affected

Content Provider	Springer Nature Link
Author	Lee Schoenfeld, Vera
Copyright Year	2006
Abstract	The German Possessor Dative Construction (PDC) is an instance of External Possession: a single nominal acts simultaneously as possessor, that is, a subpart of a larger nominal phrase, and as a Benefactive or Malefactive (Affectee) argument of the verb. The challenge is to understand the mechanisms that make this dual functioning possible. Following Landau [Lingua 107 (1999) 1], this paper presents a Possessor Raising analysis, arguing that the Possessor Dative (PD) moves from the specifier of the possessed nominal to a verbal argument position. The analysis is implemented in a dynamic structure-building framework, where heads with their selectional features are introduced in the course of the derivation, and it is in principle possible that an argument that gets merged into the structure to take on one thematic role raises into a newly built sentence domain to fulfill another thematic role. This movement and the resulting double θ-role assignment are crucially driven by formal features; that is, both stem from the fact that, in its origin site, the raised argument is not case-licensed. An additional caselicensing head is needed for the derivation to converge. This head is an affectee light verb which assigns inherent dative case to the argument in its specifier. Thus, unlike Landau’s account of PDCs in Hebrew, where PDs can be interpreted as affected without actually being h-related to the verb, the analysis here offers an explanation for the crosslinguistically more general case of the PDC, where the PD’s role as both possessor and affectee needs to be syntactically encoded.
Starting Page	101
Ending Page	142
Page Count	42
File Format	PDF
ISSN	13834924
Journal	The Journal of Comparative Germanic Linguistics
Volume Number	9
Issue Number	2
e-ISSN	15728552
Language	English
Publisher	Kluwer Academic Publishers
Publisher Date	2006-09-12
Publisher Place	Dordrecht
Access Restriction	Subscribed
Subject Keyword	Affectee light-verb Defective D Double θ-role assignment External possession Inherent dative case Internal merge Possessor dative construction Possessor raising Theoretical Languages Syntax Comparative Linguistics Germanic Languages Linguistics (general)
Content Type	Text
Resource Type	Article
Subject	Arts and Humanities Linguistics and Language

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